The girls underwent a six-week period for physical therapy and recovery. Maria and Teresa are now able to walk independently and are starting to form their own individual personalities. The girls were able to return to the Dominican Republic and often return to the United States for follow-up care.

For every 200,000 live births, conjoined twins are born. Conjoined twins are identical and of the same sex one hundred percent of the time and are more common in females than in males. For surgical separations the survival rate of at least one twin surviving is approximately 75%.

Anastasia and Tatiana Dogaru

born August 29, 2004) are craniopagus conjoined twins. They were scheduled to begin the first of several surgeries to separate them at Rainbow Babies and Children's Medical Center in Cleveland, Ohio. However, in August 2007 the surgery was called off as too dangerous.

The twins were born in Rome, Italy to Romanian parents, Alin Dogaru, a Byzantine Catholic priest, and Claudia Dogaru, a nurse. Their mother heard about the successful separation of Egyptian-born twins who were also joined at the head and hoped her children could also be successfully separated. The Dogaru family — who also have an older daughter, Maria, and younger son Theodor — were brought to north Texas by the World Craniofacial Foundation to have Anastasia and Tatiana evaluated for possible separation.

The girls are currently developing normally for their age and speak both Romanian and English. They get around with Anastasia leading the way and Tatiana following. The top of Tatiana's head is attached to the back of Anastasia's. Anastasia, whose kidneys don't function, relies on her sister's kidneys, and Tatiana on her sister's circulatory system. The girls also share blood flow to the back of the brain and some brain matter. Doctors estimated the twins had only a 50 percent chance of surviving the surgery. There were also risks of complications, such as brain damage, but the girls also risk early death if they remain conjoined. Their parents believed separation would give them their best chance at living a normal life.

In May 2007, doctors used a catheter to insert wire coils into the veins of the two girls, successfully redirecting their blood flow. It was the first time the procedure was attempted in conjoined twins. Doctors pushed back the first of the planned separation surgeries to June 2007 while studying the complex circulatory system of the twins, but, in August of that year, decided it was too risky.

Giacomo and Giovanni Battista Tocci were two-headed conjoined twins born in Locana, Italy between 1875 and 1877 on either July or October 4.

Maria and Daria ('Masha and Dasha') Krivoshlyapova (Мария и Дарья Кривошляповы) (3 January 1950 – 17 April 2003, Moscow) were "Ischiopagus tripus" conjoined twins from Russia.

They were removed from their mother's custody at birth to be studied by Soviet physiologists. Their mother was told that her daughters had died soon after their birth.

Their mother Maria Luigia Mezzanrosa was 19 years old; she had an easy time with the birth as they were rather small. They were delivered normally, with one head appearing first, the other head and torso second, and the pelvis and legs third. The one on their right was named Giovanni Battista, and the one on their left Giacomo. They had one umbilical cord and one placenta. Their father Giovanni Tocci had a breakdown due to the appearance of his first-born sons and was put into a lunatic asylum until he recovered a month later.

Republican marriage () was a method of execution that allegedly occurred in Nantes during the Reign of Terror in Revolutionary France and "involved tying a naked man and woman together and drowning them". This was reported to have been practised during the drownings at Nantes ("noyades") that were ordered by local Jacobin representative-on-mission Jean-Baptiste Carrier between November 1793 and January 1794 in the city of Nantes. Most accounts indicate that the victims were drowned in the Loire River, although a few sources describe an alternative means of execution in which the bound couple is run through with a sword, either before, or instead of drowning.

The earliest reports of such "marriages" date from 1794, when Carrier was tried for his crimes, and they were soon cited by contemporary counter-revolutionary authors such as Louis-Marie Prudhomme and Louis Gabriel Ambroise de Bonald.

Navel fetishism, belly button fetishism, or alvinophilia is a partialism in which an individual is sexually attracted to the human navel.

According to a study, it is a moderately prevalent fetish among individuals. While in 2012, it was the second most popular fetish search on Google as per their global monthly averages.

Although often termed a "neurological condition," synesthesia is not listed in either the DSM-IV or the ICD since it most often does not interfere with normal daily functioning. Indeed, most synesthetes report that their experiences are neutral or even pleasant. Like perfect pitch, synesthesia is simply a difference in perceptual experience.

The simplest approach is test-retest reliability over long periods of time, using stimuli of color names, color chips, or a computer-screen color picker providing 16.7 million choices. Synesthetes consistently score around 90% on reliability of associations, even with years between tests. In contrast, non-synesthetes score just 30–40%, even with only a few weeks between tests and a warning that they would be retested.

Grapheme-color synesthetes, as a group, share significant preferences for the color of each letter (e.g. A tends to be red; O tends to be white or black; S tends to be yellow etc.) Nonetheless, there is a great variety in types of synesthesia, and within each type, individuals report differing triggers for their sensations and differing intensities of experiences. This variety means that defining synesthesia in an individual is difficult, and the majority of synesthetes are completely unaware that their experiences have a name.

Neurologist Richard Cytowic identifies the following diagnostic criteria for synesthesia in his "first" edition book. However, the criteria are different in the second book:

1. Synesthesia is involuntary and automatic.

2. Synesthetic perceptions are spatially extended, meaning they often have a sense of "location." For example, synesthetes speak of "looking at" or "going to" a particular place to attend to the experience.

3. Synesthetic percepts are consistent and generic (i.e. simple rather than pictorial).

4. Synesthesia is highly memorable.

5. Synesthesia is laden with affect.

Cytowic's early cases mainly included individuals whose synesthesia was frankly projected outside the body (e.g. on a "screen" in front of one's face). Later research showed that such stark externalization occurs in a minority of synesthetes. Refining this concept, Cytowic and Eagleman differentiated between "localizers" and "non-localizers" to distinguish those synesthetes whose perceptions have a definite sense of spatial quality from those whose perceptions do not.

Synesthesia is found in at least 4.4% of the population, as a high estimate, which is equivalent to 1 in 23 people. This study had also concluded that one common form of synesthesia—grapheme-color synesthesia (colored letters and numbers) – is found in more than one percent of the population, and this latter prevalence of graphemes-color synesthesia has now been independently verified in a yet larger sample. Earlier estimates of the prevalence of synesthesia were based on "best-guess" estimations only ("e.g." 1 in 250,000) or had limitations in their methodologies because they required synesthetes to refer themselves for study ("e.g." 1 in 2000) and for this reason the authors of those studies had been moderate in their claims. Also, some individuals will not self-classify as synesthetes because they do not realize that their perceptions are different from those of everyone else.

The most common forms of synesthesia are those that trigger colors, and the most prevalent of all is day-color. Also relatively common is grapheme-color synesthesia. We can think of "prevalence" both in terms of how common is synesthesia (or different forms of synesthesia) within the population, or how common are different forms of synesthesia within synesthetes. So within synesthetes, forms of synesthesia that trigger color also appear to be the most common forms of synesthesia with a prevalence rate of 86% within synesthetes. In another study, music-color is also prevalent at 18–41%. Some of the rarest are reported to be auditory-tactile, mirror-touch, and lexical-gustatory.

There is research to suggest that the likelihood of having synesthesia is greater in people with autism.

In Chinese alchemy, elixir poisoning refers to the toxic effects from elixirs of immortality that contained metals and minerals such as mercury and arsenic. The official "Twenty-Four Histories" record numerous Chinese emperors, nobles, and officials who ironically died from taking elixirs in order to prolong their lifespans. The first emperor to die from elixir poisoning was likely Qin Shi Huang (d. 210 BCE) and the last was Yongzheng (d. 1735). Despite common knowledge that immortality potions could be deadly, fangshi and Daoist alchemists continued the elixir-making practice for two millennia.

Ghost sickness is a cultural belief among some traditional indigenous peoples in North America, notably the Navajo, and some Muscogee and Plains cultures, as well as among Polynesian peoples. People who are preoccupied and/or consumed by the deceased are believed to suffer from ghost sickness. Reported symptoms can include general weakness, loss of appetite, suffocation feelings, recurring nightmares, and a pervasive feeling of terror. The sickness is attributed to ghosts () or, occasionally, to witches or witchcraft. Children are thought to be especially at risk of being affected because they are not as attached to their new bodies.

Religious leaders within the Navajo tribe repeatedly perform ceremonies to eliminate the all-consuming thoughts of the dead.

In developing countries, women who are affected by obstetric fistulae do not necessarily have full agency over their bodies or their households. Rather, their husbands and other family members have control in determining the healthcare that the women receive. For example, a woman's family may refuse medical examinations for the patient by male doctors, but female doctors may be unavailable, thus barring women from prenatal care. Furthermore, many societies believe that women are supposed to suffer in childbirth, thus are less inclined to support maternal health efforts.

International Organization for Standardization helps set standards for monitoring environments, analyzing data, and interpreting results.

Heat alert programs should be developed for implementation when hotter than normal temperatures, or a heat wave occurs.

A navel fetishist can be sexually aroused by a variety of stimuli, including key words, thoughts or specific forms of physical interaction with the navel.

Prevention is the key to ending fistulae. UNFPA states that, “Ensuring skilled birth attendance at all births and providing emergency obstetric care for all women who develop complications during delivery would make fistula as rare in developing countries as it is in the industrialized world.” In addition, access to health services and education – including family planning, gender equality, higher living standards, child marriage, and human rights must be addressed to reduce the marginalization of women and girls. Reducing marginalization in these areas could reduce maternal disability and death by at least 20%.

Prevention comes in the form of access to obstetrical care, support from trained health care professionals throughout pregnancy, providing access to family planning, promoting the practice of spacing between births, supporting women in education, and postponing early marriage. Fistula prevention also involves many strategies to educate local communities about the cultural, social, and physiological factors of that condition and contribute to the risk for fistulae. One of these strategies involves organizing community-level awareness campaigns to educate women about prevention methods such as proper hygiene and care during pregnancy and labor. Prevention of prolonged obstructed labor and fistulae should preferably begin as early as possible in each woman's life. For example, improved nutrition and outreach programs to raise awareness about the nutritional needs of children to prevent malnutrition, as well as improve the physical maturity of young mothers, are important fistula prevention strategies. It is also important to ensure access to timely and safe delivery during childbirth: measures include availability and provision of emergency obstetric care, as well as quick and safe cesarean sections for women in obstructed labor. Some organizations train local nurses and midwives to perform emergency cesarean sections to avoid vaginal delivery for young mothers who have underdeveloped pelvises. Midwives located in the local communities where obstetric fistulae are prevalent can contribute to promoting health practices that help prevent future development of obstetric fistulae. NGOs also work with local governments, like the government of Niger, to offer free cesarean sections, further preventing the onset of obstetric fistulae.

Promoting education for girls is also a key factor to preventing fistulae in the long term. Former fistula patients often act as "community fistula advocates" or "ambassadors of hope," a UNFPA-sponsored initiative, to educate the community. These survivors help current patients, educate pregnant mothers, and dispel cultural myths that obstetric fistulae are caused by adultery or evil spirits. Successful ambassador programs are in place in Kenya, Bangladesh, Nigeria, Ghana, Côte d'Ivoire, and Liberia.

Several organizations have developed effective fistula prevention strategies. One, the Tanzanian Midwives Association, works to prevent fistulae by improving clinical healthcare for women, encouraging the delay of early marriages and childbearing years, and helping the local communities to advocate for women's rights.

Islamophobia is an intense fear or hatred of, or prejudice against, the Islamic religion or Muslims, especially when seen as a geopolitical force or the source of terrorism.

The term was first used in the early 20th century and it emerged as a neologism in the 1970s, then it became increasingly salient during the 1980s and 1990s, and it reached public policy prominence with the report by the Runnymede Trust's Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia (CBMI) entitled "Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All" (1997). The introduction of the term was justified by the report's assessment that "anti-Muslim prejudice has grown so considerably and so rapidly in recent years that a new item in the vocabulary is needed".

The causes and characteristics of Islamophobia are still debated. Some commentators have posited an increase in Islamophobia resulting from the September 11 attacks, some from multiple terror attacks in Europe and the United States, while others have associated it with the increased presence of Muslims in the United States and in the European Union. Some people also question the validity of the term. The academics S. Sayyid and Abdoolkarim Vakil maintain that Islamophobia is a response to the emergence of a distinct Muslim public identity globally, the presence of Muslims is in itself not an indicator of the degree of Islamophobia in a society. Sayyid and Vakil maintain that there are societies where virtually no Muslims live but many institutionalized forms of Islamophobia still exist in them.

In 1964, news spread to Moscow that a girl with two heads was being kept in the Institute. As a result, the twins were transferred to a boarding school for children with motor-impairment in Novocherkassk, southern Russia, to continue their education.

They studied here for four years in what they later recalled was the happiest time of their lives. In 1968 their third leg was amputated in an effort to make them less noticeable to the Soviet public, who were not used to seeing disabled people.

The twins had by now developed very different personalities, with Masha being dominant, tomboyish and cheeky, and Dasha submissive, thoughtful and quiet. Dasha fell in love with a fellow student, but Masha put a stop to the romance. Dasha fell into a depression and tried to hang herself when the pair were 18. This coincided with having been told by a medical commission which graded disability that they had been placed in the lowest grade, which meant that they would be kept for life in a retirement home (there were no homes for the disabled as the Soviet Union saw 'invalids' as flaws in the system) with no right to work or be independent in any way.

In 1989, aged 39, they moved into the 20th Home for Veterans of War and Labour and lived there in a small room with a single bed for the next twenty years. They earned pocket money sewing diapers and assembling pipettes.

They found their birth mother Yekaterina Krivoshlyapova in 1985 and she visited them for four years before Masha broke off the connection. They were visited every week by ‘Aunty Nadya’ – Nadezhda Gorokhova – their physiotherapist in TSNIIPP, who befriended them throughout their lives.

With the coming of Gorbachev’s campaign of openness, or ' glasnost' ' they made an appeal on a national television chat show Vzglyad in 1988, to be allowed to leave the 20th Home which was being turned into a mental asylum. The appeal was successful and they moved to the 6th Home for Veterans of Labour with greatly improved living conditions and bought themselves luxuries such as a television set, an Atari, a music cassette player and a computer on the proceeds of charitable contributions.

Stendhal syndrome, Stendhal's syndrome, hyperkulturemia, or Florence syndrome is a psychosomatic disorder that causes rapid heartbeat, dizziness, fainting, confusion and even hallucinations when an individual is exposed to an experience of great personal significance, particularly viewing art. It is not listed as a recognised condition in the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders".

The etymology of English elixir derives from Medieval Latin "", from Arabic ("al-ʾiksīr"), probably from Ancient Greek ("xḗrion" "a desiccative powder for wounds"). "Elixir" originated in medieval European alchemy meaning "A preparation by the use of which it was sought to change metals into gold" (elixir stone or philosopher's stone) or "A supposed drug or essence with the property of indefinitely prolonging life" (elixir of life). The word was figuratively extended to mean "A sovereign remedy for disease. Hence adopted as a name for quack medicines" (e.g., Daffy's Elixir) and "The quintessence or soul of a thing; its kernel or secret principle". In modern usage, "elixir" is a pharmaceutical term for "A sweetened aromatic solution of alcohol and water, serving as a vehicle for medicine" ("Oxford English Dictionary", 2nd ed., 2009). Outside of Chinese cultural contexts, English "elixir poisoning" usually refers to accidental contamination, such as the 1937 Elixir sulfanilamide mass poisoning in the United States.

"Dān" 丹 "cinnabar; vermillion; elixir; alchemy" is the keyword for Chinese immortality elixirs. The red mineral cinnabar ("dānshā" 丹砂 lit. "cinnabar sand") was anciently used to produce the pigment vermilion ("zhūhóng" 朱紅) and the element mercury ("shuǐyín" 水銀 "watery silver" or "gǒng" 汞).

According to the "ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese", the etymology of Modern Standard Chinese "dān" from Old Chinese "*tān" (< *"tlan" ?) 丹 "red; vermillion; cinnabar", "gān" 矸 in "dāngān" 丹矸 from *"tân-kân" (< *"tlan-klan" ?) "cinnabar; vermillion ore", and "zhān" from *"tan" 旃 "a red flag" derive from Proto-Kam-Sui *"h-lan" "red" or Proto-Sino-Tibetan *"tja-n" or *"tya-n" "red". The *"t-" initial and *"t-" or *"k-" doublets indicate that Old Chinese borrowed this item. (Schuessler 2007: 204).

Although the word "dan" 丹 "cinnabar; red" frequently occurs in oracle script from the late Shang Dynasty (ca. 1600-1046 BCE) and bronzeware script and seal script from the Zhou Dynasty (1045-256 BCE), paleographers disagree about the graphic origins of the logograph 丹 and its ancient variants 𠁿 and 𠕑. Early scripts combine a 丶 dot or ⼀ stroke (depicting a piece of cinnabar) in the middle of a surrounding frame, which is said to represent:

- "jǐng" 井 "well" represents the mine from which the cinnabar is taken" ("Shuowen Jiezi")

- "the crucible of the Taoist alchemists" (Léon Wieger )

- "the contents of a square receptacle" (Bernhard Karlgren)

- "placed in a tray or palette to be used as red pigment" (Wang Hongyuan 王宏源)

- "mineral powder on a stretched filter-cloth" (Needham and Lu).

Many Chinese elixir names are compounds of "dan", such as "jīndān" 金丹 (with "gold") meaning "golden elixir; elixir of immortality; potable gold" and "xiāndān" 仙丹 (with "Daoist immortal") "elixir of immortality; panacea", and "shéndān" 神丹 (with "spirit; god") "divine elixir". "Bùsǐ zhī yào" 不死之藥 "drug of deathlessness" was another early name for the elixir of immortality. Chinese alchemists would "liàndān" 煉丹 (with "smelt; refine") "concoct pills of immortality" using a "dāndǐng" 丹鼎 (with "tripod cooking vessel; cauldron") "furnace for concocting pills of immortality". In addition, the ancient Chinese believed that other substances provided longevity and immortality, notably the "língzhī" 靈芝 ""Ganoderma" mushroom".

The transformation from chemistry-based "waidan" 外丹 "external elixir/alchemy" to physiology-based "neidan" 內丹 "internal elixir/alchemy" gave new analogous meanings to old terms. The human body metaphorically becomes a "ding" "cauldron" in which the adept forges the Three Treasures (essence, life-force, and spirit) within the "jindan" Golden Elixir within the "dāntián" 丹田 (with "field") "lower part of the abdomen".

In early China, alchemists and pharmacists were one in the same. Traditional Chinese Medicine also used less concentrated cinnabar and mercury preparations, and "dan" means "pill; medicine" in general, for example, "dānfāng" 丹方 semantically changed from "prescription for elixir of immortality" to "medical prescription". "Dan" was lexicalized into medical terms such as " dānjì" 丹劑 "pill preparation" and "dānyào" 丹藥 "pill medicine".

The Chinese names for immortality elixirs have parallels in other cultures and languages, for example, Indo-Iranian "soma" or "haoma", Sanskrit "amrita", and Greek "ambrosia".

Catalepsy (from Greek "κατάληψις" "seizing/grasping") is a nervous condition characterized by muscular rigidity and fixity of posture regardless of external stimuli, as well as decreased sensitivity to pain.

Necrophilia, also known as necrophilism, necrolagnia, necrocoitus, necrochlesis, and thanatophilia, is a sexual attraction or sexual act involving corpses. It is classified as a paraphilia by the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual" (DSM) of the American Psychiatric Association.

Rosman and Resnick (1989) reviewed information from 34 cases of necrophilia describing the individuals' motivations for their behaviors: these individuals reported the desire to possess a non-resisting and non-rejecting partner (68%), reunions with a romantic partner (21%), sexual attraction to corpses (15%), comfort or overcoming feelings of isolation (15%), or seeking self-esteem by expressing power over a homicide victim (12%).

As the symptoms become prominent, the child will visit their pediatrician or family doctor to confirm whether or not the child has Panner Disease. When the child visits the doctor, the doctor will seek information about the child’s age, sports participation, activity level, and what the child’s dominant arm is. The affected elbow will be compared to the healthy elbow and any differences between the two will be noted. The location of where the pain is in the elbow, and the child’s range of motion and extension will also be determined to make an accurate diagnosis. To check the child’s range of motion and extension limitation the child will be asked to move the arm of the affected elbow in various directions. The movement of the arm in various directions will allow the doctor to conclude how good the child is able to move the arm and the doctor will be able to determine if there is pain caused by the various directions of movement.

To confirm the diagnosis, an x-ray or MRI scan will be done. The radiograph will enable the doctor to visualize irregularities and see the shape of the capitellum and also visualize the growth plate. In Panner Disease, the capitellum may appear flat and the bone growth plate will look irregular and fragmented. The areas where bone breakdown has occurred can also be visualized on the radiograph. When the patient undergoes a MRI scan any irregularities of the capitellum will able to be visualized, and the bone will be able to be visualized in more detail to determine the extent of swelling, if any. In the MRI results for Panner disease, there will be a decreased signal intensity of the capitellum on a T1 series and increased signal intensity on a T2 series.