The Dancing Plague (or Dance Epidemic) of 1518 was a case of dancing mania that occurred in Strasbourg, Alsace, (then part of the Holy Roman Empire) in July 1518. Around 400 people took to dancing for days without rest and, over the period of about one month, some of those affected collapsed or even died of heart attack, stroke, or exhaustion.

The outbreak began in July 1518 when a woman, Mrs. Troffea, began to dance fervently in a street in Strasbourg. This lasted somewhere between four and six days. Within a week, 34 others had joined, and within a month, there were around 400 dancers, predominantly female. Some of these people would die from heart attacks, strokes, or exhaustion. One report indicates that for a period, the plague killed around fifteen people per day.

Historical documents, including "physician notes, cathedral sermons, local and regional chronicles, and even notes issued by the Strasbourg city council" are clear that the victims danced. It is not known why these people danced, some even to their deaths.

As the dancing plague worsened, concerned nobles sought the advice of local physicians, who ruled out astrological and supernatural causes, instead announcing that the plague was a "natural disease" caused by "hot blood". However, instead of prescribing bleeding, authorities encouraged more dancing, in part by opening two guildhalls and a grain market, and even constructing a wooden stage. The authorities did this because they believed that the dancers would recover only if they danced continuously night and day. To increase the effectiveness of the cure, authorities even paid for musicians to keep the afflicted moving.

Historian John Waller stated that a marathon runner could not have lasted the intense workout that these men and women did hundreds of years ago.

Several criteria are typically used to make a diagnosis of koro. The primary criteria is a patient's report of genital (typically penile or female nipple) retraction despite a lack of objective physical evidence demonstrating retraction. This is accompanied by severe anxiety related to the retraction, fear of death as a result of retraction, and use of mechanical means to prevent retraction. Cases that do not meet all the requirements are generally classified as koro-like symptoms or given a diagnosis of partial koro syndrome. It has been argued that the criteria are sufficient but not necessary to make a diagnosis of koro. Researchers have identified Koro as a possible "cultural relative" of Body Dysmorphic Disorder. DSM-IV explains the process of differential diagnosis between these two disorders.

In historical culture-bound cases, reassurance and talks on sexual anatomy are given. Patients are treated with psychotherapy distributed according to symptoms and to etiologically significant points in the past. Prognosis appears to be better in cases with a previously functional personality, a short history and low frequency of attacks, and a relatively uncomplicated sexual life.

For sporadic Western cases, careful diagnostic workup including searching for underlying sexual conflict is common. The choice of psychotherapeutic treatment is based on the psychiatric pathology found.

The Tanganyika laughter epidemic of 1962 was an outbreak of mass hysteriaor mass psychogenic illness (MPI)rumored to have occurred in or near the village of Kashasha on the western coast of Lake Victoria in the modern nation of Tanzania (formerly Tanganyika) near the border of Uganda.

The laughter epidemic began on January 30, 1962, at a mission-run boarding school for girls in Kashasha. The laughter started with three girls and spread haphazardly throughout the school, affecting 95 of the 159 pupils, aged 12–18. Symptoms lasted from a few hours to 16 days in those affected. The teaching staff were not affected but reported that students were unable to concentrate on their lessons. The school was forced to close down on March 18, 1962.

After the school was closed and the students were sent home, the epidemic spread to Nshamba, a village that was home to several of the girls. In April and May, 217 people had laughing attacks in the village, most of them being school children and young adults. The Kashasha school was reopened on May 21, only to be closed again at the end of June. In June, the laughing epidemic spread to Ramashenye girls’ middle school, near Bukoba, affecting 48 girls.

The school from which the epidemic sprang was sued; the children and parents transmitted it to the surrounding area. Other schools, Kashasha itself, and another village, comprising thousands of people, were all affected to some degree. Six to eighteen months after it started, the phenomenon died off. The following symptoms were reported on an equally massive scale as the reports of the laughter itself: pain, fainting, flatulence, respiratory problems, rashes, attacks of crying, and random screaming. In total 14 schools were shut down and 1000 people were affected.

Mass psychogenic illness (MPI), also called mass sociogenic illness or just sociogenic illness, is "the rapid spread of illness signs and symptoms affecting members of a cohesive group, originating from a nervous system disturbance involving excitation, loss, or alteration of function, whereby physical complaints that are exhibited unconsciously have no corresponding organic" cause. MPI is distinct from other collective delusions, also included under the blanket terms of mass hysteria, in that MPI causes symptoms of disease, though there is no organic cause.

There is a clear preponderance of female victims. The DSM-IV-TR does not have specific diagnosis for this condition but the text describing conversion disorder states that "In 'epidemic hysteria', shared symptoms develop in a circumscribed group of people following 'exposure' to a common precipitant."

Dancing mania (also known as dancing plague, choreomania, St John's Dance and, historically, St. Vitus's Dance) was a social phenomenon that occurred primarily in mainland Europe between the 14th and 17th centuries. It involved groups of people dancing erratically, sometimes thousands at a time. The mania affected men, women, and children who danced until they collapsed from exhaustion. One of the first major outbreaks was in Aachen, in the Holy Roman Empire, in 1374, and it quickly spread throughout Europe; one particularly notable outbreak occurred in Strasbourg in 1518, also in the Holy Roman Empire.

Affecting thousands of people across several centuries, dancing mania was not an isolated event, and was well documented in contemporary reports. It was nevertheless poorly understood, and remedies were based on guesswork. Generally, musicians accompanied dancers, to help ward off the mania, but this tactic sometimes backfired by encouraging more to join in. There is no consensus among modern-day scholars as to the cause of dancing mania.

The several theories proposed range from religious cults being behind the processions to people dancing to relieve themselves of stress and put the poverty of the period out of their minds. It is, however, thought to have been a mass psychogenic illness in which the occurrence of similar physical symptoms, with no known physical cause, affect a large or small group of people as a form of social influence.

The virus is thought to have been introduced into Eritrea in 1887 by Indian cattle brought by the Italians for their campaign against Somalia. It spread throughout the Horn of Africa, and crossed the Zambezi in March of 1896.

Millie McCoy and Christine McCoy (July 11, 1851 – October 8, 1912) were American conjoined twins who went by the stage names "The Carolina Twins", "The Two-Headed Nightingale" and "The Eighth Wonder of the World". The Twins traveled throughout the world performing song and dance for entertainment.

Lucio Godina (March 8, 1908 – November 24, 1936) and Simplicio Godina (March 8, 1908 - December 8, 1936) were pygopagus conjoined twins from the island of Samar in the Philippines.

At the age of 21 they married Natividad and Victorina Matos, who were identical twins. They performed in various sideshow acts, including in an orchestra on Coney Island and in dance with their wives.

After Lucio died of rheumatic fever in New York City, doctors operated to separate him from Simplicio. Simplicio survived the operation, but died shortly thereafter due to spinal meningitis.

In the 1890s, an epizootic of the rinderpest virus struck Africa, considered to be "the most devastating epidemic to hit southern Africa in the late nineteenth century". It killed more than 5.2 million cattle south of the Zambezi, as well as domestic oxen, sheep, and goats, and wild populations of buffalo, giraffe, and wildebeest. This led to starvation resulting in the death of an estimated third of the human population of Ethiopia and two-thirds of the Maasai people of Tanzania.

According to Balaratnasingam and Janca, “mass hysteria is to date a poorly understood condition. Little certainty exists regarding its” cause.

Besides the difficulties common to all research involving the social sciences, including a lack of opportunity for controlled experiments, mass sociogenic illness presents special difficulties to researchers in this field. Balaratnasingam and Janca report that the methods for “diagnosis of mass hysteria remains contentious. According to Timothy Jones of the Tennessee Department of Public Health, the effects resulting from MPI “can be difficult to differentiate from [those of] bioterrorism, rapidly spreading infection or acute toxic exposure.”

These troubles result from the residual diagnosis of MPI. Singer, of the Uniformed Schools of Medicine, puts the problems with such a diagnosis thus:

“[y]ou find a group of people getting sick, you investigate, you measure everything you can measure . . . and when you still can't find any physical reason, you say 'well, there's nothing else here, so let's call it a case of MPI.'” There is a lack of logic in an argument that proceeds: “There isn't anything, so it must be MPI.” It precludes the notion that an organic factor could have been overlooked. Nevertheless, running an extensive number of tests extends the probability of false positives.

British psychiatrist Simon Wesseley distinguishes between two forms of MPI:

- mass anxiety hysteria “consists of episodes of acute anxiety, occurring mainly in schoolchildren. Prior tension is absent and the rapid spread is by visual contact.”

- mass motor hysteria “consists of abnormalities in motor behaviour. It occurs in any age group and prior tension is present. Initial cases can be identified and the spread is gradual. . . . [T]he outbreak may be prolonged.”

While his definition is sometimes adhered to, others such as Ali-Gombe et al. of the University of Maiduguri, Nigeria contest Wesseley's definition and describe outbreaks with qualities of both mass motor hysteria and mass anxiety hysteria.

An evolutionary psychology explanation for this disorder, as well as for conversion disorder more generally, is that the symptom may have been evolutionarily advantageous during warfare. A non-combatant with these symptoms signals non-verbally, possibly to someone speaking a different language, that she or he is not dangerous as a combatant and also may be carrying some form of dangerous infectious disease. This can explain that conversion disorder may develop following a threatening situation, that there may be a group effect with many people simultaneously developing similar symptoms, and the gender difference in prevalence.

Tarantism is a form of hysteric behaviour, popularly believed to result from the bite of the wolf spider "Lycosa tarantula" (distinct from the broad class of spiders also called tarantulas).

A better candidate cause is "Latrodectus tredecimguttatus", commonly known as the Mediterranean black widow or steppe spider, although no link between such bites and the behaviour of tarantism has ever been demonstrated. However, the term historically is used to refer to a dancing mania - characteristic of southern Italy - which likely had little to do with spider bites. The tarantella dance supposedly evolved from this therapy.

Recently published evidence suggest heat stress and strenuous activity-induced cyclic uricosuria and crystalluria as a possible mechanism for the tubular lesion.

To date, CKDu (MeN) causes remain undetermined and debatable; nevertheless the number of cases could lead to the application of a precautionary principles from a humanitarian perspective. Due to the fact that the Mesoamerican nephropathy is regarded as a multifactorial disease the experimental design of comparative study should take following logical setting into account.

Multifactorial problem. Assume that a disease is definitely caused by A,B,C. The disease will develop if at least 2 risk factors are present in a certain region.

- formula_1 no prevalence of disease in region 1

- A no prevalence of disease in region 2

- B no prevalence of disease in region 3

- C no prevalence of disease in region 4

- A,B prevalence of disease in region 5

- B,C prevalence of disease in region 6

- C,A prevalence of disease in region 7

- A,B,C prevalence of disease in region 8

Removing the risk factor A in the experimental group in comparison to control group will lead to changes in the outbreak of the disease in only 2 of 8 combinatorically possible regions, even if we define A as a relevant risk factor in this theoretical setting. The same is true if the experimental design adds in a comparative study the risk factor A to the regions in the experimental group in comparison to the control group.

If the difference in experimental and control are 2 risk factors (adding or removing two risk factor e.g. A,B in the control group), then 4 regions will show a differences in prevalence of the disease, with the disadvantage that the experimental design cannot clarify if one or both risk factors A and B are contributing to the progression and prevalence of the disease.

Beside this logical analysis of a multifactorial setting there is space for further investigation, e.g.: Leptospirosis has been suggested as a possible contributing factor and oceanic nephrotoxic algae or agents have also been brought to the chart of possibilities as a culprit for this unusual form of kidney damage..

Assessment of the mentioned risk factors and their possible synergism will depend on more and better research.

Prevalence measures include everyone living with HIV and AIDS, and present a delayed representation of the epidemic by aggregating the HIV infections of many years. Incidence, in contrast, measures the number of new infections, usually over the previous year. There is no practical, reliable way to assess incidence in Sub-Saharan Africa. Prevalence in 15- to 24-year-old pregnant women attending antenatal clinics is sometimes used as an approximation. The test done to measure prevalence is a serosurvey in which blood is tested for the presence of HIV.

Health units that conduct serosurveys rarely operate in remote rural communities, and the data collected also does not measure people who seek alternate healthcare. Extrapolating national data from antenatal surveys relies on assumptions which may not hold across all regions and at different stages in an epidemic.

Recent national population or household-based surveys collecting data from both sexes, pregnant and non-pregnant women, and rural and urban areas, have adjusted the recorded national prevalence levels for several countries in Africa and elsewhere. These, too, are not perfect: people may not participate in household surveys because they fear they may be HIV positive and do not want to know their test results. Household surveys also exclude migrant labourers, who are a high risk group.

Thus, there may be significant disparities between official figures and actual HIV prevalence in some countries.

A minority of scientists claim that as many as 40 percent of HIV infections in African adults may be caused by unsafe medical practices rather than by sexual activity. The World Health Organization states that about 2.5 percent of HIV infections in Sub-Saharan Africa are caused by unsafe medical injection practices and the "overwhelming majority" by unprotected sex.

Melancholia (from , '), also lugubriousness, from the Latin "lugere", to mourn; moroseness, from the Latin "morosus", self-willed, fastidious habit; wistfulness, from old English "wist": intent, or saturnine, was a concept in ancient and pre-modern medicine. Melancholy was one of the four temperaments matching the four humours. In the 19th century, "melancholia" could be physical as well as mental, and melancholic conditions were classified as such by their common cause rather than by their properties.

The earliest known report of "bakanae" is from 1828; it was first described scientifically in 1898 by Japanese researcher Shotaro Hori, who showed that the causative agent was fungal.

The fungus affects rice crops in Asia, Africa, and North America. In epidemic cases yield losses may reach up to 20% or more. A 2003 publication from the International Rice Research Institute estimated that outbreaks of bakanae caused crop losses that were 20% to 50% in Japan, 15% in Thailand and 3.7% in India.

"Dancing mania" is derived from the term "choreomania", from the Greek "choros" (dance) and "mania" (madness), and is also known as "dancing plague". The term was coined by Paracelsus, and the condition was initially considered a curse sent by a saint, usually St. John the Baptist or St. Vitus, and was therefore known as "St. Vitus's Dance" or "St. John's Dance". Victims of dancing mania often ended their processions at places dedicated to that saint, who was prayed to in an effort to end the dancing; incidents often broke out around the time of the feast of St Vitus.

St Vitus's Dance was diagnosed, in the 17th century, as Sydenham chorea. Dancing mania has also been known as epidemic chorea and epidemic dancing. A disease of the nervous system, chorea is characterized by symptoms resembling those of dancing mania, which has also rather unconvincingly been considered a form of epilepsy. Scientists have described dancing mania as a "collective mental disorder", "collective hysterical disorder", and "mass madness".

The infection is treated with antibiotics. Intravenous fluids and oxygen may be needed to stabilize the patient. There is a significant disparity between the untreated mortality and treated mortality rates: 10-60% untreated versus close to 0% treated with antibiotics within 8 days of initial infection. Tetracycline, Chloramphenicol, and doxycycline are commonly used. Infection can also be prevented by vaccination.

Some of the simplest methods of prevention and treatment focus on preventing infestation of body lice. Complete change of clothing, washing the infested clothing in hot water, and in some cases also treating recently used bedsheets all help to prevent typhus by removing potentially infected lice. Clothes also left unworn and unwashed for 7 days also cause both lice and their eggs to die, as they have no access to their human host. Another form of lice prevention requires dusting infested clothing with a powder consisting of 10% DDT, 1% malathion, or 1% permethrin, which kill lice and their eggs.

The American Public Health Association recommends treatment based upon clinical findings and before culturing confirms the diagnosis. Without treatment, death may occur in 10 to 60 percent of patients with epidemic typhus, with patients over age 60 having the highest risk of death. In the antibiotic era, death is uncommon if doxycycline is given. In one study of 60 hospitalized patients with epidemic typhus, no patient died when given doxycycline or chloramphenicol. Some patients also may need oxygen and intravenous (IV) fluids.

Many people living with HIV in low and middle income countries who need antiretroviral therapy are unable to access or remain in care. This is often because of the time and cost required to travel to health centres as well as an inadequate number of trained staff such as medical doctors and specialists to provide treatment. One approach to improve access to HIV care is to provide antiretroviral therapy close to people’s homes. A systematic review found that when antiretroviral treatment was initiated at the hospital but followed up at a health centre closer to home, fewer patients died or were lost to follow up. The research also did not detect a difference in the numbers of patients who died or were lost to follow up when they received maintenance treatment in the community rather than in a health centre or hospital.

As of 2017 there is no commercially available vaccine. A vaccine has been in development for scrub typhus known as the scrub typhus vaccine.

Boanthropy is a psychological disorder in which a human believes himself or herself to be a bovine.