Money disorders are the maladaptive patterns of financial beliefs and behaviors that lead to clinically significant distress, impairment in social or occupational functioning, due to financial strain or an inability to appropriately enjoy one’s financial resources. With the exception of pathological gambling and compulsive buying, psychology and the mental health fields have largely neglected dysfunctional money disorders. The term is contentious among mental health professionals and as of 2017, money disorder is not a clinical diagnosis in either the DSM or ICD medical classifications of diseases and medical disorders.

Types of behaviors, or “scripts”, related to money disorders include money avoidance, money worship, money status and money vigilance. Some mental health practitioners say that those afflicted with money disorders or who have problematic money beliefs can seek financial therapy. With financial therapy, financial planners and relationship therapists work together to provide comprehensive treatment to clients experiencing financial distress.

MSbP is rare. A recent systematic study in Italy found that in a series of over 700 patients admitted to a pediatric ward, 4 cases met the diagnostic criteria for MSbP (0.53%). In this study, stringent diagnostic criteria were used, which required at least one test outcome or event that could not possibly have occurred without deliberate intervention by the MSbP person.

One study showed that in 93 percent of MSbP cases, the abuser is the mother or another female guardian or caregiver. This may be attributed to the prevalent socialization pattern that places females in the primary care-taking role. Of course, it could also be a gender trait rooted in genetics, as it is easy to see how females who seek attention as victims could gain an evolutionary advantage, while men seeking the same would be unfavoured for physical protection and mating. A psychodynamic model of this kind of maternal abuse exists.

MSbP may be more prevalent in the parents of those with a learning difficulty or mental incapacity, and as such the apparent patient could, in fact, be an adult.

Fathers and other male caregivers have been the perpetrators in only 7% of the cases studied. When they are not actively involved in the abuse, the fathers or male guardians of MSbP victims are often described as being distant, emotionally disengaged, and powerless. These men play a passive role in MSbP by being frequently absent from the home and rarely visiting the hospitalized child. Usually, they vehemently deny the possibility of abuse, even in the face of overwhelming evidence or their child's pleas for help.

Overall, male and female children are equally likely to be the victim of MSbP. In the few cases where the father is the perpetrator, however, the victim is three times more likely to be male.

The cause of OCPD is unknown. However, it is believed to involve a combination of genetic and environmental factors. Under the genetic theory, people with a form of the DRD3 gene will probably develop OCPD and depression, particularly if they are male. But genetic concomitants may lie dormant until triggered by events in the lives of those who are predisposed to OCPD. These events could include trauma faced during childhood, such as physical, emotional, or sexual abuse, or other psychological trauma. Under the environmental theory, OCPD is a learned behavior.

Some scholars believe that codependency is not a negative trait, and does not need to be treated, as it is more likely a healthy personality trait taken to excess. Codependency in nonclinical populations has some links with favourable characteristics of family functioning.

Stan Katz states that codependence is over-diagnosed, and that many people who could be helped with shorter-term treatments instead become dependent on long-term self-help programs. The language of, symptoms of, and treatment for codependence derive from the medical model suggesting a disease process underlies the behavior. However, there is no evidence that codependence is caused by a disease process.

In their book, “Attached.”, Dr. Amir Levine and Rachel S. F. Heller, address what they call the “codependency myth” by asserting that attachment theory is a more scientific and helpful model for understanding and dealing with attachment in adults.

Codependency can occur in any type of relationship, including family, work, friendship, and also romantic, peer or community relationships.

Specific genes predispose people to drug addiction—it's one of the behavioral disorders most strongly corrolated with genetic makeup—but environmental factors, especially trauma and mistreatment in childhood, also correlate strongly with addiction. . Examples such as physical or sexual abuse, and unpredictable expectations and behavior of parents, increase a person's risk for developing addiction.

Sensation-seeking has been studied as having a strong relationship with addictive personalities.

Estimates for the prevalence of OCPD in the general population range from 2.1% to 7.9%. A large U.S. study found a prevalence rate of 7.9%, making it the most common personality disorder. Men are diagnosed with OCPD about twice as often as women. It may occur in 8–9% of psychiatric outpatients.

Warning signs of the disorder include:

- A child who has one or more medical problems that do not respond to treatment or that follow an unusual course that is persistent, puzzling, and unexplained.

- Physical or laboratory findings that are highly unusual, discrepant with patient's presentation or history, or physically or clinically impossible.

- A parent who appears medically knowledgeable, fascinated with medical details and hospital gossip, appears to enjoy the hospital environment and expresses interest in the details of other patients' problems.

- A highly attentive parent who is reluctant to leave their child's side and who themselves seem to require constant attention.

- A parent who appears unusually calm in the face of serious difficulties in their child's medical course while being highly supportive and encouraging of the physician, or one who is angry, devalues staff and demands further intervention, more procedures, second opinions, and transfers to other more sophisticated facilities.

- The suspected parent may work in the health care field themselves or profess an interest in a health-related job.

- The signs and symptoms of a child's illness may lessen or simply vanish in the parent's absence (hospitalization and careful monitoring may be necessary to establish this causal relationship).

- A family history of similar or unexplained illness or death in a sibling.

- A parent with symptoms similar to their child's own medical problems or an illness history that itself is puzzling and unusual.

- A suspected emotionally distant relationship between parents; the spouse often fails to visit the patient and has little contact with physicians even when the child is hospitalized with a serious illness.

- A parent who reports dramatic, negative events, such as house fires, burglaries, or car accidents, that affect them and their family while their child is undergoing treatment.

- A parent who seems to have an insatiable need for adulation or who makes self-serving efforts for public acknowledgment of their abilities.

- A patient who inexplicably deteriorates whenever discharge is planned.

The consequences of oniomania, which may persist long after a spree, can be devastating, with marriages, long-term relationships, and jobs all feeling the strain. Further problems can include ruined credit history, theft or defalcation of money, defaulted loans, general financial trouble and in some cases bankruptcy or extreme debt, as well as anxiety and a sense of life spiraling out of control. The resulting stress can lead to physical health problems and ruined relationships, or even suicide.

Gender dysphoria in children or gender identity disorder in children (GIDC) is a formal diagnosis used by psychologists and physicians to describe children who experience significant discontent (gender dysphoria) with their biological sex, assigned gender, or both.

GIDC was formalized in the third revision of the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" (DSM-III) in 1980 and primarily referenced gender non-conforming behaviors. GIDC remained in the DSM from 1980 to 2013, when it was replaced with the diagnosis of "gender dysphoria" in the fifth revision (DSM-5), in an effort to diminish the stigma attached to gender variance while maintaining a diagnostic route to gender affirming medical interventions such as hormone therapy and surgery.

Controversy surrounding the pathologization and treatment of cross-gender identity and behaviors, particularly in children, has been evident in the literature since the 1980s. Proponents of more widespread GIDC diagnoses argue that therapeutic intervention helps children be more comfortable in their bodies and can prevent adult gender identity disorder. Opponents say that the equivalent therapeutic interventions with gays and lesbians (titled conversion or reparative therapy) have been strongly questioned or declared unethical by the American Psychological Association, American Psychiatric Association, American Association of Social Workers and American Academy of Pediatrics. The World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) states that treatment aimed at trying to change a person's gender identity and expression to become more congruent with sex assigned at birth "is no longer considered ethical." Critics also argue that the GIDC diagnosis and associated therapeutic interventions rely on the assumption that an adult transsexual identity is undesirable, challenging this assumption along with the lack of clinical data to support outcomes and efficacy.

Gender identity disorder in children is more heavily linked with adult homosexuality than adult transsexualism. According to limited studies, the majority of children diagnosed with GID cease to desire to be the other sex by puberty, with most growing up to identify as gay or lesbian with or without therapeutic intervention.

The rate of people who have problems of shopping addiction is a very controversial matter, because the dividing line between pathological behaviours and those behaviours which, even if excessive, are socially accepted, is very difficult to determine. However, shopping addiction and other manifestations of the lack of self-control on spending are widespread problems which are constantly expanding. Studies using samples of the general population show that between 8% and 16% of the people have problems with excessive or uncontrolled purchases. Clinical studies give much lower figures, however, between 2% and 5%. According to the European Report on the programme for the prevention and treatment of personal problems related to consumer addiction, personal purchasing habits and over-indebtedness, 3% of European adults and 8% of European young people have a level of shopping addiction which could be considered as pathologic, that is, which seriously affects the life of the people who suffer from this. Other estimates for the prevalence of compulsive buying range from a low of 2 percent to 12 percent or more (in the U.S. population.

Most of people who have these problems neither receive nor ask for treatment. Those that ask for help only do it after years of suffering, when the addiction has caused very serious economic repercussion and has harmed the relationship with their family and social environment. For this reason and due to the lack of social consciousness about this problem, the unrecorded figure of people who suffer from these problems is very high. In addition to the severe cases of shopping addiction, an important part of consumers (between 30% and 50% of the population) have deficiencies with spending self-control or excessive purchases. According to the European Report, 33% of European adults and 46% of the European young people have minor or moderate problems with shopping addiction or lack of economic self-control.

Children with persistent GID are characterized by more extreme gender dysphoria in childhood than children with desisting gender dysphoria. Some (but not all) gender diverse / gender independent / gender fluid youth will want or need to transition, which may involve social transition (changing dress, name, pronoun), and, for older youth and adolescents, medical transition (hormonal and surgical intervention). Treatment may take the form of puberty blockers such as Lupron Depot or Leuprolide Acetate, or cross-sex hormones (i.e., administering estrogen to an assigned male at birth or testosterone to an assigned female at birth), or surgery (i.e., mastectomies, salphingo-oophorectomies/hysterectomy, the creation of a neophallus in female-to-male transsexuals, orchiectomies, breast augmentation, facial feminization surgery, the creation of a neovagina in male-to-female transsexuals), with the aim of bringing one’s physical body in line with their felt gender. The ability to transition (socially and medically) are sometimes needed in the treatment of gender dysphoria.

The Endocrine Society does not recommend endocrine treatment of prepubertal children because clinical experience suggests that GID can be reliably assessed only after the first signs of puberty. It recommends treating transsexual adolescents by suppressing puberty with puberty blockers until age 16 years old, after which cross-sex hormones may be given.

The University of Washington is leading the largest study of transgender youth ever conducted. The study, known as the Transgender Youth Project, looks at 300 transgender kids between the ages of 3 and 12. Researchers hope to follow the children for 20 years.

People who demonstrate factitious disorders often claim to have physical ailments or be recovering from the consequences of stalking, victimization, harassment, and sexual abuse. Several behaviors present themselves to suggest factors beyond genuine problems. After studying 21 cases of deception, Feldman listed the following common behavior patterns in people who exhibited Munchausen by Internet:

- Medical literature from websites or textbooks is often duplicated or discussed in great detail.

- The length and severity of purported physical ailments conflicts with user behavior. Feldman uses the example of someone posting in considerable detail about being in septic shock, when such a possibility is extremely unlikely.

- Symptoms of ailments may be exaggerated as they correspond to a user's misunderstanding of the nature of an illness.

- Grave situations and increasingly critical prognoses are interspersed with "miraculous" recoveries.

- A user's posts eventually reveal contradictory information or claims that are implausible: for example, other users of a forum may find that a user has been divulging contradictory information about occurrence or length of hospital visits.

- When attention and sympathy decreases to focus on other members of the group, a user may announce that other dire events have transpired, including the illness or death of a close family member.

- When faced with insufficient expressions of attention or sympathy, a forum member claims this as a cause that symptoms worsen or do not improve.

- A user resists contact beyond the Internet, such as by telephone or personal visit, often claiming bizarre reasons for not being able to accept such contact.

- Further emergencies are described with inappropriate happiness, designed to garner immediate reactions.

- The posts of other forum members exhibit identical writing styles, spelling errors, and language idiosyncrasies, suggesting that the user has created fictitious identities to move the conversation in their direction.

Munchausen by Internet is a pattern of behavior akin to Munchausen syndrome (renamed factitious disorder imposed on self), a psychiatric disorder, wherein those affected feign disease, illness, or psychological trauma to draw attention, sympathy, or reassurance to themselves. In Munchausen by internet, users seek attention by feigning illnesses in online venues such as chat rooms, message boards, and Internet Relay Chat (IRC). It has been described in medical literature as a manifestation of factitious disorder imposed on self, or if claiming illness of a child or other family member, factitious disorder imposed on another. Reports of users who deceive Internet forum participants by portraying themselves as gravely ill or as victims of violence first appeared in the 1990s due to the relative newness of Internet communications. The pattern was identified in 1998 by psychiatrist Marc Feldman, who created the term "Münchausen by Internet" in 2000. It is not included in the fifth revision of the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" (DSM-5).

The development of factitious disorders in online venues is made easier by the availability of medical literature on the Internet, the anonymous and malleable nature of online identities, and the existence of communication forums established for the sole purpose of giving support to members facing significant health or psychological problems. Several high-profile cases have demonstrated behavior patterns which are common among those who pose as gravely ill or as victims of violence, or whose deaths are announced to online forums. The virtual communities that were created to give support, as well as general non-medical communities, often express genuine sympathy and grief for the purported victims. When fabrications are suspected or confirmed, the ensuing discussion can create schisms in online communities, destroying some and altering the trusting nature of individual members in others.

Internet addiction disorder, more commonly called problematic Internet use (PIU), refers to excessive Internet use that interferes with daily life.

Research carried out on people undergoing treatment, as well as on the general population has revealed a negative correlation between age and addiction. As the age of people increases there is a lower number of shopping addicts. This data was confirmed by the 1999 European Report.

It must be noted that the age of diagnosis is much later than the age when the problems of addiction begin. Most addicts have the first symptoms of addiction in their twenties, but do not ask for help nor accept treatment until more than ten years afterwards. To explain the higher incidence of shopping addiction in young people, it has been shown that younger people have been born, and have grown up, in an increasingly consumerist society and they have endured the impact of publicity and marketing from birth. On the contrary, it is very unusual to find shopping addiction problems in people older than 65 years.

The problems of self-neglect and elder and child abuse are also health problems associated with animal hoarding. Self-neglect can be defined as "the inability to provide for oneself the goods or services to meet basic needs", and has been shown to be an "independent risk factor for death". While self-neglect is a condition generally associated with the elderly, animal hoarders of any age can and do suffer from it. This is demonstrated by the fact that hoarders' lifestyles often match the degenerate sanitary conditions that surround them. Child and elder abuse arise when dependents are living with the hoarder. According to one study, dependents lived with hoarders in over half of the cases. As with his or her animals, the hoarder often fails to provide adequate care for dependents both young and old, who suffer from a lack of basic necessities as well as the health problems caused by unsanitary conditions. In one case, two children of a couple hoarding 58 cats and other animals were forced to repeat kindergarten and first grade because of excessive absence due to respiratory infections. Self-neglect and neglect of dependents make up a major human health concern of animal hoarding.

In Europe, the rate of problem gambling is typically 0.5 to 3 percent. The "British Gambling Prevalence Survey 2007", conducted by the United Kingdom Gambling Commission, found approximately 0.6 percent of the adult population had problem gambling issues—the same percentage as in 1999. The highest prevalence of problem gambling was found among those who participated in spread betting (14.7%), fixed odds betting terminals (11.2%) and betting exchanges (9.8%). In Norway, a December 2007 study showed the amount of present problem gamblers was 0.7 percent.

Courtship disorder is a theoretical construct in sexology in which a certain set of paraphilias are seen as specific instances of anomalous courtship instincts in men. The specific paraphilias are biastophilia (paraphilic rape), exhibitionism, frotteurism, telephone scatologia, and voyeurism. According to the "courtship disorder hypothesis", there is a species-typical courtship process in human males consisting of four phases, and anomalies in different phases result in one of these paraphilic sexual interests. That is, instead of being independent paraphilias, this theory sees these sexual interests as individual symptoms of a single underlying disorder.

Attraction to disability or devotism is a sexualised interest in the appearance, sensation and experience of disability. It may extend from normal human sexuality into a type of sexual fetishism. Sexologically, the pathological end of the attraction tends to be classified as a paraphilia. (Note, however, that the very concept "paraphilia" continues to elude satisfactory definition and remains a subject of ongoing debate in both professional and lay communities) Other researchers have approached it as a form of identity disorder. The most common interests are towards amputations, prosthesis, and crutches.

Both casinos and poker machines in pubs and clubs facilitate problem gambling in Australia. The building of new hotels and casinos has been described as "one of the most active construction markets in Australia"; for example, AUD$860 million was allocated to rebuild and expand the Star Complex in Sydney.

A 2010 study, conducted in the Northern Territory by researchers from the Australian National University (ANU) and Southern Cross University (SCU), found that the proximity of a person's residence to a gambling venue is significant in terms of prevalence. Harmful gambling in the study was prevalent among those living within 100 metres of any gambling venue, and was over 50% higher than among those living ten kilometres from a venue. The study's data stated:

"Specifically, people who lived 100 metres from their favourite venue visited an estimated average of 3.4 times per month. This compared to an average of 2.8 times per month for people living one kilometre away, and 2.2 times per month for people living ten kilometres away".

According to the Productivity Commission's 2016 report into gambling, 0.5% to 1% (80,000 to 160,000) of the Australian adult population suffered with significant problems resulting from gambling. A further 1.4% to 2.1% (230 000 to 350 000) of the Australian adult population experienced moderate risks making them likely to be vulnerable to problem gambling. Estimates show that problem gamblers account for an average of 41% of the total gaming machine spending.

Diagnostic criteria for compulsive buying have been proposed: 1. Over-preoccupation with buying; 2. distress or impairment as a result of the activity; 3. compulsive buying is not limited to hypomanic or manic episodes.

While initially triggered by a perhaps mild need to feel special, the failure of compulsive shopping to actually meet such needs may lead to a vicious cycle of escalation, with sufferers experiencing the highs and lows associated with other addictions. The 'high' of the purchasing may be followed by a sense of disappointment, and of guilt, precipitating a further cycle of impulse buying. With the now addicted person increasingly feeling negative emotions like anger and stress, they may attempt to self-medicate through further purchases, followed again by regret or depression once they return home - leading to an urge for yet another spree.

As debt grows, the compulsive shopping may become a more secretive act. At the point where bought goods are hidden or destroyed, because the person concerned feels so ashamed of their addiction, the price of the addiction in mental, financial and emotional terms becomes even higher.

Until the 1990s, it tended to be described mostly as acrotomophilia, at the expense of other disabilities, or of the wish by some to pretend or acquire disability. Bruno (1997) systematised the attraction as factitious disability disorder. A decade on, others argue that erotic target location error is at play, classifying the attraction as an identity disorder. In the standard psychiatric reference "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders", text revision (DSM-IV-tr), the fetish falls under the general category of "Sexual and Gender Identity Disorders" and the more specific category of paraphilia, or sexual fetishes; this classification is preserved in DSM-5.

Another human health issue caused by animal hoarding is the risk of zoonotic diseases. Defined as "human diseases acquired from or transmitted to any other vertebrate animal", zoonotic diseases can often be lethal and in all cases constitute a serious public health concern. Examples of well-known zoonotic diseases include bubonic plague, influenza, and rabies. Common domesticated animals constitute a large portion of animals carrying zoonoses, and as a result, humans involved in animal hoarding situations are at particular risk of contracting disease. Zoonoses that may arise in hoarding situations—through vectors such as dog, cat, or rat bites—include rabies, salmonellosis, catscratch fever, hookworm, and ringworm. One zoonosis of special concern is toxoplasmosis, which can be transmitted to humans through cat feces or badly-prepared meat, and is known to cause severe birth defects or stillbirth in the case of infected pregnant women. The risk of zoonotic diseases is amplified by the possibility of community epidemics.