MSbP is rare. A recent systematic study in Italy found that in a series of over 700 patients admitted to a pediatric ward, 4 cases met the diagnostic criteria for MSbP (0.53%). In this study, stringent diagnostic criteria were used, which required at least one test outcome or event that could not possibly have occurred without deliberate intervention by the MSbP person.

One study showed that in 93 percent of MSbP cases, the abuser is the mother or another female guardian or caregiver. This may be attributed to the prevalent socialization pattern that places females in the primary care-taking role. Of course, it could also be a gender trait rooted in genetics, as it is easy to see how females who seek attention as victims could gain an evolutionary advantage, while men seeking the same would be unfavoured for physical protection and mating. A psychodynamic model of this kind of maternal abuse exists.

MSbP may be more prevalent in the parents of those with a learning difficulty or mental incapacity, and as such the apparent patient could, in fact, be an adult.

Fathers and other male caregivers have been the perpetrators in only 7% of the cases studied. When they are not actively involved in the abuse, the fathers or male guardians of MSbP victims are often described as being distant, emotionally disengaged, and powerless. These men play a passive role in MSbP by being frequently absent from the home and rarely visiting the hospitalized child. Usually, they vehemently deny the possibility of abuse, even in the face of overwhelming evidence or their child's pleas for help.

Overall, male and female children are equally likely to be the victim of MSbP. In the few cases where the father is the perpetrator, however, the victim is three times more likely to be male.

Warning signs of the disorder include:

- A child who has one or more medical problems that do not respond to treatment or that follow an unusual course that is persistent, puzzling, and unexplained.

- Physical or laboratory findings that are highly unusual, discrepant with patient's presentation or history, or physically or clinically impossible.

- A parent who appears medically knowledgeable, fascinated with medical details and hospital gossip, appears to enjoy the hospital environment and expresses interest in the details of other patients' problems.

- A highly attentive parent who is reluctant to leave their child's side and who themselves seem to require constant attention.

- A parent who appears unusually calm in the face of serious difficulties in their child's medical course while being highly supportive and encouraging of the physician, or one who is angry, devalues staff and demands further intervention, more procedures, second opinions, and transfers to other more sophisticated facilities.

- The suspected parent may work in the health care field themselves or profess an interest in a health-related job.

- The signs and symptoms of a child's illness may lessen or simply vanish in the parent's absence (hospitalization and careful monitoring may be necessary to establish this causal relationship).

- A family history of similar or unexplained illness or death in a sibling.

- A parent with symptoms similar to their child's own medical problems or an illness history that itself is puzzling and unusual.

- A suspected emotionally distant relationship between parents; the spouse often fails to visit the patient and has little contact with physicians even when the child is hospitalized with a serious illness.

- A parent who reports dramatic, negative events, such as house fires, burglaries, or car accidents, that affect them and their family while their child is undergoing treatment.

- A parent who seems to have an insatiable need for adulation or who makes self-serving efforts for public acknowledgment of their abilities.

- A patient who inexplicably deteriorates whenever discharge is planned.

Because there is uncertainty in treating suspected factitious disorder imposed on self, some advocate that health care providers first explicitly rule out the possibility that the person has another early-stage disease. Then they may take a careful history and seek medical records to look for early deprivation, childhood abuse, or mental illness. If a person is at risk to themself, psychiatric hospitalization may be initiated.

Healthcare providers may consider working with mental health specialists to help treat the underlying mood or disorder as well as to avoid countertransference. Therapeutic and medical treatment may center on the underlying psychiatric disorder: a mood disorder, an anxiety disorder, or borderline personality disorder. The patient's prognosis depends upon the category under which the underlying disorder falls; depression and anxiety, for example, generally respond well to medication and/or cognitive behavioral therapy, whereas borderline personality disorder, like all personality disorders, is presumed to be pervasive and more stable over time, and thus offers a worse prognosis.

People affected may have multiple scars on their abdomen due to repeated "emergency" operations.

In factitious disorder imposed on self, the affected person exaggerates or creates symptoms of illnesses in themselves to gain examination, treatment, attention, sympathy, and/or comfort from medical personnel. In some extreme cases, people suffering from Munchausen syndrome are highly knowledgeable about the practice of medicine and are able to produce symptoms that result in lengthy and costly medical analysis, prolonged hospital stays, and unnecessary operations. The role of "patient" is a familiar and comforting one, and it fills a psychological need in people with this syndrome. This disorder is distinct from hypochondriasis and other somatoform disorders in that those with the latter do not intentionally produce their somatic symptoms. Munchausen syndrome is distinct from other psychiatric disorders such as malingering in that Munchausen does not fabricate symptoms for material gain such as financial compensation, absence from work, or access to drugs.

Risk factors for developing factitious disorder include childhood traumas, growing up with parents/caretakers who were emotionally unavailable due to illness or emotional problems, a serious illness as a child, failed aspirations to work in the medical field, personality disorders, and low self-esteem. Factitious disorder is more common in men and is seen in young or middle-aged adults. Those with a history of working in healthcare are also at greater risk of developing it.

Arrhythmogenic Munchausen syndrome describes individuals who simulate or stimulate cardiac arrhythmias to gain medical attention.

A similar behavior called factitious disorder imposed on another has been documented in the parent or guardian of a child. The adult ensures that his or her child will experience some medical affliction, therefore compelling the child to suffer through treatments and spend a significant portion of their youth in hospitals. Furthermore, a disease may actually be initiated in the child by the parent or guardian. This condition is considered distinct from Munchausen syndrome. There is growing consensus in the pediatric community that this disorder should be renamed "medical abuse" to highlight the harm caused by the deception and to make it less likely that a perpetrator can use a psychiatric defense when harm is done.

There are many possible causes for this disorder. One such possibility is an underlying personality disorder. Individuals with FD may be trying to repeat a satisfying childhood relationship with a doctor. Perhaps also an individual has a desire to deceive or test authority figures. The underlying desire to resume the role of a patient and be cared for can also be considered an underlying personality disorder. Abuse, neglect, or abandonment during childhood are also probable causes.

These individuals may be trying to reenact unresolved issues with their parents. A history of frequent illnesses may also contribute to the development of this disorder. In some cases, individuals afflicted with FD are accustomed to actually being sick, and thus return to their previous state to recapture what they once considered the 'norm.' Another cause is a history of close contact with someone (a friend or family member) who had a severe or chronic condition. The patients found themselves subconsciously envious of the attention said relation received, and felt that they themselves faded into the background. Thus medical attention makes them feel glamorous and special.

Some individuals experience only a few outbreaks of the disorder. However, in most cases, factitious disorder is a chronic and long-term condition that is difficult to treat. There are relatively few positive outcomes for this disorder; in fact, treatment provided a lower percentage of positive outcomes than did treatment of individuals with obvious psychotic symptoms such as people with schizophrenia. In addition, many individuals with factitious disorder do not present for treatment, often insisting their symptoms are genuine. Some degree of recovery, however, is possible. The passage of time seems to help the disorder greatly. There are many possible explanations for this occurrence, although none are currently considered definitive. It may be that an FD individual has mastered the art of feigning sickness over so many years of practice that the disorder can no longer be discerned. Another hypothesis is that many times an FD individual is placed in a home, or experiences health issues that are not self-induced or feigned. In this way, the problem with obtaining the 'patient' status is resolved because symptoms arise without any effort on the part of the individual.

Risk factors for mental illness include genetic inheritance, such as parents having depression, or a propensity for high neuroticism or "emotional instability".

In depression, parenting risk factors include parental unequal treatment, and there is association with high cannabis use.

In schizophrenia and psychosis, risk factors include migration and discrimination, childhood trauma, bereavement or separation in families, and abuse of drugs, including cannabis, and urbanicity.

In anxiety, risk factors may include family history (e.g. of anxiety), temperament and attitudes (e.g. pessimism), and parenting factors including parental rejection, lack of parental warmth, high hostility, harsh discipline, high maternal negative affect, anxious childrearing, modelling of dysfunctional and drug-abusing behaviour, and child abuse (emotional, physical and sexual).

Environmental events surrounding pregnancy and birth have also been implicated. Traumatic brain injury may increase the risk of developing certain mental disorders. There have been some tentative inconsistent links found to certain viral infections, to substance misuse, and to general physical health.

Social influences have been found to be important, including abuse, neglect, bullying, social stress, traumatic events and other negative or overwhelming life experiences. For bipolar disorder, stress (such as childhood adversity) is not a specific cause, but does place genetically and biologically vulnerable individuals at risk for a more severe course of illness. The specific risks and pathways to particular disorders are less clear, however. Aspects of the wider community have also been implicated, including employment problems, socioeconomic inequality, lack of social cohesion, problems linked to migration, and features of particular societies and cultures.

People who demonstrate factitious disorders often claim to have physical ailments or be recovering from the consequences of stalking, victimization, harassment, and sexual abuse. Several behaviors present themselves to suggest factors beyond genuine problems. After studying 21 cases of deception, Feldman listed the following common behavior patterns in people who exhibited Munchausen by Internet:

- Medical literature from websites or textbooks is often duplicated or discussed in great detail.

- The length and severity of purported physical ailments conflicts with user behavior. Feldman uses the example of someone posting in considerable detail about being in septic shock, when such a possibility is extremely unlikely.

- Symptoms of ailments may be exaggerated as they correspond to a user's misunderstanding of the nature of an illness.

- Grave situations and increasingly critical prognoses are interspersed with "miraculous" recoveries.

- A user's posts eventually reveal contradictory information or claims that are implausible: for example, other users of a forum may find that a user has been divulging contradictory information about occurrence or length of hospital visits.

- When attention and sympathy decreases to focus on other members of the group, a user may announce that other dire events have transpired, including the illness or death of a close family member.

- When faced with insufficient expressions of attention or sympathy, a forum member claims this as a cause that symptoms worsen or do not improve.

- A user resists contact beyond the Internet, such as by telephone or personal visit, often claiming bizarre reasons for not being able to accept such contact.

- Further emergencies are described with inappropriate happiness, designed to garner immediate reactions.

- The posts of other forum members exhibit identical writing styles, spelling errors, and language idiosyncrasies, suggesting that the user has created fictitious identities to move the conversation in their direction.

Munchausen by Internet is a pattern of behavior akin to Munchausen syndrome (renamed factitious disorder imposed on self), a psychiatric disorder, wherein those affected feign disease, illness, or psychological trauma to draw attention, sympathy, or reassurance to themselves. In Munchausen by internet, users seek attention by feigning illnesses in online venues such as chat rooms, message boards, and Internet Relay Chat (IRC). It has been described in medical literature as a manifestation of factitious disorder imposed on self, or if claiming illness of a child or other family member, factitious disorder imposed on another. Reports of users who deceive Internet forum participants by portraying themselves as gravely ill or as victims of violence first appeared in the 1990s due to the relative newness of Internet communications. The pattern was identified in 1998 by psychiatrist Marc Feldman, who created the term "Münchausen by Internet" in 2000. It is not included in the fifth revision of the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" (DSM-5).

The development of factitious disorders in online venues is made easier by the availability of medical literature on the Internet, the anonymous and malleable nature of online identities, and the existence of communication forums established for the sole purpose of giving support to members facing significant health or psychological problems. Several high-profile cases have demonstrated behavior patterns which are common among those who pose as gravely ill or as victims of violence, or whose deaths are announced to online forums. The virtual communities that were created to give support, as well as general non-medical communities, often express genuine sympathy and grief for the purported victims. When fabrications are suspected or confirmed, the ensuing discussion can create schisms in online communities, destroying some and altering the trusting nature of individual members in others.

Correlations of mental disorders with drug use include cannabis, alcohol and caffeine, use of which appears to promote anxiety. For psychosis and schizophrenia, usage of a number of drugs has been associated with development of the disorder, including cannabis, cocaine, and amphetamines. There has been debate regarding the relationship between usage of cannabis and bipolar disorder.

When the Malays were asked why they thought that women were more likely to suffer from latah, they responded with the cultural explanation that women have less 'semangat' or soul substance. They also said women are simply easier to tease than men, and coupling these two together: latah becomes more readily observable and developed throughout recurrent provocation in women than in men. This also accounts for the higher prevalence of latah in lower status persons, as they are more vulnerable to abuse than others. The Malay also believe women are more susceptible because they lose more blood than men, through menstruation. Some Malay believe that excess tickling of a child will predispose them to latah later in life.

The onset of Latah is often associated with stress. In a study done by Tanner and Chamberland in 2001, a significant number of research participants had experienced a life stressor (such as a child or husband dying) just before becoming latah. Additionally, a large number of participants from many research studies have reported strange dreams occurring just before the onset of latah. These dreams usually had a sexual element to them, often involving penises or enlarged penises. According to Tanner and Chamberland, perhaps the dreams, although with variation, indicate some sort of dysfunction in a specific anatomical area. Exploring this further might lead to more insights as to the cause and/or cure of latah.

Osborne (2001) states that latah is a possible emotional outlet in a stifling culture. Winzeler’s believes that latah is less demeaning for women than it is for men, and that women actually have more freedom in society because they are not held to as strict of standards as men are. He argues that as men age, they become more concerned with personal dignity and poise while women become less so. Because of this, women feel more freedom to engage in latah behavior, while men do not.

The Truman Show delusion, informally known as Truman syndrome, is a type of delusion in which the person believes that their lives are staged reality shows, or that they are being watched on cameras. The term was coined in 2008 by brothers Joel Gold and Ian Gold, a psychiatrist and a neurophilosopher, respectively, after the film "The Truman Show".

The Truman Show delusion is not officially recognized nor listed in the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association".

In "How Everyone Became Depressed: The Rise and Fall of the Nervous Breakdown" (2013), Edward Shorter, a professor of psychiatry and the history of medicine, argues for a return to the old-fashioned concept of nervous illness:

The hypothesis that those prone to extroversion or neuroticism, or those with low IQ scores, are more likely to be affected in an outbreak of hysterical epidemic has not been consistently supported by research. Bartholomew and Wesseley state that it “seems clear that there is no particular predisposition to mass sociogenic illness and it is a behavioural reaction that anyone can show in the right circumstances.”

Females are affected with mass psychogenic illness at greater rates than males. Adolescents and children are frequently affected in cases of MPI.

Another theory is that there may be shared risk factors that can lead to both substance abuse and mental illness. Mueser hypothesizes that these may include factors such as social isolation, poverty, lack of structured daily activity, lack of adult role responsibility, living in areas with high drug availability, and association with people who already misuse drugs.

Other evidence suggests that traumatic life events, such as sexual abuse, are associated with the development of psychiatric problems and substance abuse.

Cyberchondria, otherwise known as 'compucondria', is the unfounded escalation of concerns about common symptomology based on review of search results and literature online. Articles in popular media position cyberchondria anywhere from temporary neurotic excess to adjunct hypochondria. Cyberchondria is a growing concern among many healthcare practitioners as patients can now research any and all symptoms of a rare disease, illness or condition, and manifest a state of medical anxiety.

The terms "nervous breakdown" and "mental breakdown" have not been formally defined through a medical diagnostic system such as the DSM-5 or ICD-10, and are nearly absent from current scientific literature regarding mental illness. Although "nervous breakdown" is not rigorously defined, surveys of laypersons suggest that the term refers to a specific acute time-limited reactive disorder, involving symptoms such as anxiety or depression, usually precipitated by external stressors. Many health experts today refer to a nervous breakdown as a "modern mental health crisis."

Specific cases are sometimes described as a "breakdown" only after the emotional and physical demands on a person's life are so great as to prevent him or her from performing activities of daily living or, less strictly, only when those demands prevent him/her from performing his/her familial or occupational duties.

Nervous breakdowns are often caused by serious ongoing mental health disorders.

The alleviation of dysphoria theory suggests that people with severe mental illness commonly have a negative self-image, which makes them vulnerable to using psychoactive substances to alleviate these feelings. Despite the existence of a wide range of dysphoric feelings (anxiety, depression, boredom, and loneliness), the literature on self-reported reasons for use seems to lend support for the experience of these feelings being the primary motivator for drug and alcohol misuse.

Timothy F. Jones, of the Tennessee Department of Health, recommends the following action be taken in the case of an outbreak:

- Attempt to separate persons with illness associated with the outbreak.

- Promptly perform physical examination and basic laboratory testing sufficient to exclude serious acute illness.

- Monitor and provide oxygen as necessary for hyperventilation.

- Minimize unnecessary exposure to medical procedures, emergency personnel, media or other potential anxiety-stimulating situations.

- Notify public health authorities of apparent outbreak.

- Openly communicate with physicians caring for other patients.

- Promptly communicate results of laboratory and environmental testing to patients.

- While maintaining confidentiality, explain that other people are experiencing similar symptoms and improving without complications.

- Remind patients that rumors and reports of "suspected causes" are not equivalent to confirmed results.

- Acknowledge that symptoms experienced by the patient are real.

- Explain potential contribution of anxiety to the patient's symptoms.

- Reassure patient that long-term sequelae from current illness are not expected.

- As appropriate, reassure patient that thorough clinical, epidemiologic and environmental investigations have identified no toxic cause for the outbreak or reason for further concern.

Some responses by authorities to MPI are not appropriate. Intense media coverage seems to exacerbate outbreaks. Once it is determined that the illness is psychogenic, it should not be given credence by authorities. For example, in the Singapore factory case study, calling in a medicine man to perform an exorcism seemed to perpetuate the outbreak.

The cause of delusional disorder is unknown, but genetic, biochemical, and environmental factors may play a significant role in its development. Some people with delusional disorders may have an imbalance in neurotransmitters, the chemicals that send and receive messages to the brain. There does seem to be some familial component, and social isolation, immigration (generally for persecutory reasons), drug abuse, excessive stress, being married, being employed, low socioeconomic status, celibacy among men, and widowhood among women may also be risk factors. Delusional disorder is currently thought to be on the same spectrum or dimension as schizophrenia, but people with delusional disorder, in general, may have less symptomatology and functional disability.

The combination of self-starvation and alcohol abuse can lead to an array of physical and psychological consequences. For example, drinking in a state of malnutrition can predispose individuals to a higher rate of blackouts, alcohol poisoning, alcohol-related injury, violence, or illness. Drinking on an empty stomach allows ethanol to reach the blood system at a swifter pace and raises one's blood alcohol content with an often dangerous speed. This can render the drinker more vulnerable to alcohol-related brain damage. In addition, alcohol abuse can have a detrimental impact on hydration and the body's retention of minerals and nutrients, further exacerbating the consequences of malnutrition and denigrating an individual's cognitive faculties. This can ultimately have a negative impact on academic performance.

These harmful consequences can be more easily induced in women, as women are oftentimes less capable of metabolizing alcohol than men. On CBS News, Carrie Wilkins, PhD, of the Center for Motivation and Change (a private practice group based in New York City) describes how women are more vulnerable to particular toxic side effects of alcohol consumption.

Drunkorexia can lead to short term and long term cognitive problems including difficulty concentrating and difficulty making decisions. It also increases the risk of developing more serious eating disorders or alcohol abuse problems. As binge drinking is involved there is a greater risk for violence, risky sexual behavior, alcohol poisoning, substance abuse and chronic disease later in life.

Delusional disorders are uncommon in psychiatric practice, though this may be an underestimation due to the fact that those afflicted lack insight and thus avoid psychiatric assessment. The prevalence of this condition stands at about 24 to 30 cases per 100,000 people while 0.7 to 3.0 new cases per 100,000 people are reported every year. Delusional disorder accounts for 1–2% of admissions to inpatient mental health facilities. The incidence of first admissions for delusional disorder is lower, from 0.001–0.003%.

Delusional disorder tends to appear in middle to late adult life, and for the most part first admissions to hospital for delusional disorder occur between age 33 and 55. It is more common in women than men, and immigrants seem to be at higher risk.

Drunkorexia is not a medically diagnosed disorder therefore there is no specific treatment. However, as drunkorexia is a combination of two different disorders, binge drinking and eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia the treatment will need to address both.

In 2002 the Sydney Morning Herald wrote "a visit to an Internet clinic will probably diagnose drowsiness as chronic fatigue, anal itch as bowel cancer and a headache as a tumour." Many reputable medical organizations maintain websites that may include brief overviews of various conditions for individuals with a general curiosity, or more detailed information to aid the understanding of people who have been properly diagnosed. Often listing diagnoses without regard to incidence, prevalence, or relevant risk factors, websites may lead users to suspect rather rare and unlikely diseases as the source of their complaints. Since many benign conditions share symptoms with more serious ailments and are listed side-by-side, users without proper medical consultation may assume the worst rather than the likely diagnosis. Web-diagnosis can cause a great deal of distress and anxiety in users who believe themselves to have incurable and serious illnesses.

Patients who go against medical advice or refuse to accept a professional diagnosis while quoting questionable web sources have become more common and can be a frustrating obstacle to physicians trying to provide a professional standard of care. It is recommended that patients who are in doubt attempt to get a second opinion before turning to web-based sources, and that self diagnosis is not used as a substitute for a professional medical consultation.