Most research has focused on adult population or on college students, but little is known about epidemiology of behavioral addictions in adolescence. A study conducted by Villella "et al" looked at a group of students and the prevalence of various addictions. His results showed exercise addiction was the second most prevalent, after compulsive buying.

High risk groups that appear to be addicted to exercise include athletes in sports encouraging thinness or appearance standards, young and middle-age women, and young men.

In Europe, the rate of problem gambling is typically 0.5 to 3 percent. The "British Gambling Prevalence Survey 2007", conducted by the United Kingdom Gambling Commission, found approximately 0.6 percent of the adult population had problem gambling issues—the same percentage as in 1999. The highest prevalence of problem gambling was found among those who participated in spread betting (14.7%), fixed odds betting terminals (11.2%) and betting exchanges (9.8%). In Norway, a December 2007 study showed the amount of present problem gamblers was 0.7 percent.

In the United States, the percentage of pathological gamblers was 0.6 percent, and the percentage of problem gamblers was 2.3 percent in 2008. Studies commissioned by the National Gambling Impact Study Commission Act has shown the prevalence rate ranges from 0.1 percent to 0.6 percent. Nevada has the highest percentage of pathological gambling; a 2002 report estimated 2.2 to 3.6 percent of Nevada residents over the age of 18 could be called problem gamblers. Also, 2.7 to 4.3 percent could be called probable pathological gamblers.

According to a 1997 meta-analysis by Harvard Medical School's division on addictions, 1.1 percent of the adult population of the United States and Canada could be called pathological gamblers. A 1996 study estimated 1.2 to 1.9 percent of adults in Canada were pathological. In Ontario, a 2006 report showed 2.6 percent of residents experienced "moderate gambling problems" and 0.8 percent had "severe gambling problems". In Quebec, an estimated 0.8 percent of the adult population were pathological gamblers in 2002. Although most who gamble do so without harm, approximately 6 million American adults are addicted to gambling.

Signs of a gambling problem include:

- Using income or savings to gamble while letting bills go unpaid

- Repeated, unsuccessful attempts to stop gambling

- Chasing losses

- Losing sleep over thoughts of gambling

- Arguing with friends or family about gambling behavior

- Feeling depressed or suicidal because of gambling losses

As demonstrated by the chart below, numerous studies have examined factors which mediate substance abuse or dependence. In these examples, the predictor variables lead to the mediator which in turn leads to the outcome, which is always substance abuse or dependence. For example, research has found that being raised in a single-parent home can lead to increased exposure to stress and that increased exposure to stress, not being raised in a single-parent home, leads to substance abuse or dependence. The following are some, but by no means all, of the possible mediators of substance abuse.

As demonstrated by the chart below, numerous studies have examined factors which moderate substance abuse or dependence. In these examples, the moderator variable impacts the level to which the strength of the relationship varies between a given predictor variable and the outcome of substance abuse or dependence. For example, there is a significant relationship between psychobehavioral risk factors, such as tolerance of deviance, rebelliousness, achievement, perceived drug risk, familism, family church attendance and other factors, and substance abuse and dependence. That relationship is moderated by familism which means that the strength of the relationship is increased or decreased based on the level of familism present in a given individual.

Examples of mediators and moderators can be found in several empirical studies. For example, Pilgrim et al.’s hypothesized mediation model posited that school success and time spent with friends mediated the relationship between parental involvement and risk-taking behavior with substance use (2006). More specifically, the relationship between parental involvement and risk-taking behavior is explained via the interaction with third variables, school success and time spent with friends. In this example, increased parental involvement led to increased school success and decreased time with friends, both of which were associated with decreased drug use. Another example of mediation involved risk-taking behaviors. As risk-taking behaviors increased, school success decreased and time with friends increased, both of which were associated with increased drug use.

A second example of a mediating variable is depression. In a study by Lo and Cheng (2007), depression was found to mediate the relationship between childhood maltreatment and subsequent substance abuse in adulthood. In other words, childhood physical abuse is associated with increased depression, which in turn, in associated with increased drug and alcohol use in young adulthood. More specifically, depression helps to explain how childhood abuse is related to subsequent substance abuse in young adulthood.

A third example of a mediating variable is an increase of externalizing symptoms. King and Chassin (2008) conducted research examining the relationship between stressful life events and drug dependence in young adulthood. Their findings identified problematic externalizing behavior on subsequent substance dependency. In other words, stressful life events are associated with externalizing symptoms, such as aggression or hostility, which can lead to peer alienation or acceptance by socially deviant peers, which could lead to increased drug use. The relationship between stressful life events and subsequent drug dependence however exists via the presence of the mediation effects of externalizing behaviors.

An example of a moderating variable is level of cognitive distortion. An individual with high levels of cognitive distortion might react adversely to potentially innocuous events, and may have increased difficulty reacting to them in an adaptive manner (Shoal & Giancola, 2005). In their study, Shoal and Giancola investigated the moderating effects of cognitive distortion on adolescent substance use. Individuals with low levels of cognitive distortion may be more apt to choose more adaptive methods of coping with social problems, thereby potentially reducing the risk of drug use. Individuals with high levels of cognitive distortions, because of their increased misperceptions and misattributions, are at increased risk for social difficulties. Individuals may be more likely to react aggressively or inappropriately, potentially alienating themselves from their peers, thereby putting them at greater risk for delinquent behaviors, including substance use and abuse. In this study, social problems are a significant risk factor for drug use when moderated by high levels of cognitive distortions.

As with many human diseases and disorders, animal models are sometimes used to study addiction. For example, voluntary wheel running by rodents, viewed as a model of human voluntary exercise, has been used to study withdrawal symptoms, such as changes in blood pressure, when wheel access is removed from mice.

The consequences of oniomania, which may persist long after a spree, can be devastating, with marriages, long-term relationships, and jobs all feeling the strain. Further problems can include ruined credit history, theft or defalcation of money, defaulted loans, general financial trouble and in some cases bankruptcy or extreme debt, as well as anxiety and a sense of life spiraling out of control. The resulting stress can lead to physical health problems and ruined relationships, or even suicide.

Another growing area is social media addiction. Psychology researchers surveyed 253 undergraduate students at the University of Albany and found that not only is social media (particularly Facebook) itself potentially addictive, those who use it may also be at greater risk for substance abuse.

The rate of people who have problems of shopping addiction is a very controversial matter, because the dividing line between pathological behaviours and those behaviours which, even if excessive, are socially accepted, is very difficult to determine. However, shopping addiction and other manifestations of the lack of self-control on spending are widespread problems which are constantly expanding. Studies using samples of the general population show that between 8% and 16% of the people have problems with excessive or uncontrolled purchases. Clinical studies give much lower figures, however, between 2% and 5%. According to the European Report on the programme for the prevention and treatment of personal problems related to consumer addiction, personal purchasing habits and over-indebtedness, 3% of European adults and 8% of European young people have a level of shopping addiction which could be considered as pathologic, that is, which seriously affects the life of the people who suffer from this. Other estimates for the prevalence of compulsive buying range from a low of 2 percent to 12 percent or more (in the U.S. population.

Most of people who have these problems neither receive nor ask for treatment. Those that ask for help only do it after years of suffering, when the addiction has caused very serious economic repercussion and has harmed the relationship with their family and social environment. For this reason and due to the lack of social consciousness about this problem, the unrecorded figure of people who suffer from these problems is very high. In addition to the severe cases of shopping addiction, an important part of consumers (between 30% and 50% of the population) have deficiencies with spending self-control or excessive purchases. According to the European Report, 33% of European adults and 46% of the European young people have minor or moderate problems with shopping addiction or lack of economic self-control.

There are approximately 976 million smokers in the world. Estimates are that half of smokers (and one-third of former smokers) are dependent based on DSM criteria, regardless of age, gender or country of origin, but this could be higher if different definitions of dependence were used. Recent data suggest that, in the United States, the rates of daily smoking and the number of cigarettes smoked per day are declining, suggesting a reduction in population-wide dependence among current smokers. However, there are different groups of people who are more likely to smoke than the average population, such as those with low education or low socio-economic status and those with mental illness. There is also evidence that among smokers, some subgroups may be more dependent than other groups. Men smoke at higher rates than do women and score higher on dependence indices; however, women may be less likely to be successful in quitting, suggesting that women may be more dependent by that criterion. Higher nicotine dependence has also been linked with mental illness, including anxiety and depression.

A number of groups have been identified as being at greater risk of developing cannabis dependence and include adolescent populations, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders (in Australia) and people suffering from mental health conditions.

Some medical systems, including those of at least 15 states of the United States, refer to an Addiction Severity Index to assess the severity of problems related to substance use. According to DARA Thailand, the index assesses potential problems in seven categories: medical, employment/support, alcohol, other drug use, legal, family/social, and psychiatric.

Exercise provides benefits for our bodies, but to some people, the benefits turn into health hazards. To some exercisers, rigorous physical activity becomes the central aspect of their lives. When a preoccupation with exercise has become routine, a person is considered addicted to exercise or exercise dependent. A study done shows why people may become addicted to exercise, especially running. One of the reasons people become addicted to exercise is because of the release of mood-enhancing chemicals known as endorphins. Endorphins increase the sensation of pleasure, which is why people feel good about themselves after they exercise. Endorphins are also responsible for the "runner's high." Recent studies have lent weight to the alternative theory that the addictive appeal of exercise is due to the production of endocannabinoids, naturally produced chemicals that bind to the brain's CB1 receptor, rather than to endorphin production. Those who suffer from exercise addiction will go through physical and emotional withdrawals in the absence of exercise, just like a person who is addicted to other substances, such as drugs or alcohol. Although in many cases, running is a better alternative than substance abuse. The findings in this study conclude that there is a link between negative addiction to running and interpersonal difficulties, which is common in other addictive behaviors as well.

Kleptomania is frequently thought of as being a part of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), since the irresistible and uncontrollable actions are similar to the frequently excessive, unnecessary, and unwanted rituals of OCD. Some individuals with kleptomania demonstrate hoarding symptoms that resemble those with OCD.

Prevalence rates between the two disorders do not demonstrate a strong relationship. Studies examining the comorbidity of OCD in subjects with kleptomania have inconsistent results, with some showing a relatively high co-occurrence (45%-60%) while others demonstrate low rates (0%-6.5%). Similarly, when rates of kleptomania have been examined in subjects with OCD, a relatively low co-occurrence was found (2.2%-5.9%).

Another form of behavior that is still being investigated is obsessive sun tanning as a behavioral addiction. In a recent study, researchers have proved that many frequent tanners demonstrate signs and symptoms adapted from substance abuse or dependence criteria. Many people who admit to being frequent tanners say they tan to look good, feel good, and to relax. People who partake in excessive tanning are usually completely aware of the health risks associated with it, just like addicted smokers are completely aware of the health risks of smoking. The health hazards are even more severe for high-risk age groups such as teenagers and young adults. Due to the fact that the health risks do not deter tanners from their habit, they are exhibiting self-destructive behavior that resembles the characteristics of those who suffer from substance abuse.

Frequent tanners have said a primary reason why they participate in artificial tanning is to experience the "feel good" feeling tanning salons have to offer. Researchers have found that ultraviolet (UV) radiation from tanning beds offers mood-enhancing effects that act as a treatment for seasonal affective disorder (SAD). SAD is when a person exhibits minor depression during seasonal changes, such as during the winter months. Ultraviolet radiation has been proven to increase the level of melatonin in the body. Melatonin plays a key role in sleep patterns and is suggested to reduce anxiety levels. Thus, those who go tanning experience a sense of relaxation afterwards. This sensation is what possibly drives tanners to continue tanning regardless of the health risks. More research needs to be done, but many researchers are beginning to add tanning to the list of addictive processes.

A conceptual model of PIU has been developed based on primary data collected from addiction researchers, psychologists, and health providers as well as older adolescents themselves. That study identified seven concepts, or clusters, that make up PIU using a concept mapping approach. These seven clusters are: psychosocial risk factors; physical impairment; emotional impairment; social and functional impairment; risky Internet use; impulsive Internet use; and Internet use dependence. The last three constructs have not been previously identified. Risky Internet use are behaviors that increase risks of adverse consequences. It is not just the amount of time spent on the Internet that puts an adolescent at risk; how the time is spent is also an important consideration. The impulsive use construct describes an inability to maintain balance or control of internet use in relation to everyday life. Finally, the dependent use construct reflects the more severe symptoms that are typically associated with addictions, such as withdrawal symptoms. Thus, internet addiction may represent a severe form of PIU.

Other research also stresses the fact that the Internet addiction disorder is not a unidimensional but a multidimensional construct. Various facets of Internet use must be differentiated because of their differential predictors, mechanisms and consequences. Online activities which, if done in person, would normally be considered troublesome, such as compulsive gambling, or shopping, are sometimes called "net compulsions".

Columbia University, in collaboration with the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), is undertaking a clinical trial that looks at the effects of combined medication on cannabis dependency, to see if lofexidine in combination with dronabinol is superior to placebo in achieving abstinence, reducing cannabis use and reducing withdrawal in cannabis-dependent patients seeking treatment for their marijuana use. Men and women between the ages of 18–60 who met DSM-IV criteria for current marijuana dependence were enrolled in a 12-week trial that started in January 2010.

Georgotas & Zeidenberg (1979) conducted an experiment where they gave an average daily dose of 210 mg of tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), the ingredient in cannabis which is responsible for its psychological effects, to a group of volunteers over a 4-week period. After test ended, the subjects were found to be "irritable, uncooperative, resistant and at times hostile," and many of the patients experienced insomnia. These effects were likely due to withdrawal from the drug and lasted about 3 weeks after the experiment.

A 2014 Cochrane Collaboration review found insufficient data to evaluate the effectiveness of gabapentin and acetylcysteine in the treatment of cannabis dependence and that it warrants further investigation.

Traditional cigarettes are the most common delivery device for nicotine. However, electronic cigarettes are becoming more popular. Nicotine can also be delivered via other tobacco products such as chewing tobacco, snus, pipe tobacco, hookah, all of which can produce nicotine dependence. The risk for developing dependence is related to how much nicotine is in a product and how fast it can get to the user’s brain. Smoke from products like cigarettes and hookah is absorbed in the lungs and then nicotine gets to the brain in about 6 seconds. Cigarettes and hookah also have large amounts of nicotine in them, and therefore people who use them have a higher risk of developing dependence. Products where nicotine is absorbed into the blood through the mouth (e.g., snus, chewing tobacco), and therefore takes longer to get to the brain, have lower dependence risk. Nicotine replacement medications like the nicotine patch, nicotine lozenges, and nicotine gum have minimal to no dependence risk because they do not contain nearly as much nicotine as tobacco products and they don’t get into the brain very quickly. This is why nicotine replacement medications are safe.

The dependence potential of a drug varies from substance to substance, and from individual to individual. Dose, frequency, pharmacokinetics of a particular substance, route of administration, and time are critical factors for developing a drug dependence.

An article in "The Lancet" compared the harm and dependence liability of 20 drugs, using a scale from zero to three for physical dependence, psychological dependence, and pleasure to create a mean score for dependence. Selected results can be seen in the chart below.

Diagnostic models do not currently include the criteria necessary to identify behaviors as addictions in a clinical setting. Behavioral addictions has been proposed as a new class in DSM-5, but the only category included is gambling addiction. Internet gaming addiction is included in the appendix as a condition for further study.

Behavioral addictions, which are sometimes referred to as impulse control disorders, are increasingly recognized as treatable forms of addiction.

The type of excessive behaviors identified as being addictive include gambling, food, sexual intercourse, use of pornography, use of computers, playing video games, use of the internet, exercise, and shopping.

Researching addiction to food, for example, a 2009 Scripps Research Institute study found evidence that the same molecular mechanisms correlated with human drug addiction also exist in compulsive overeating in obese rats. The dopamine D receptor studied is associated with vulnerability to drug addiction in humans. It was found downregulated in obese rats exposed to a high fat diet, and further reductions of the receptor increased compulsive eating. The D receptor responds to dopamine, a central neurotransmitter released in anticipation of rewarding, satiating experiences such as those involving food, sex or psychoactive drugs.

On August 15, 2011 the American Society of Addiction Medicine (ASAM) issued a public statement defining all addiction in terms of brain changes. "Addiction is a primary, chronic disease of brain reward, motivation, memory and related circuitry."

The following excerpts are taken from the organization's FAQs: The new ASAM definition makes a departure from equating addiction with just substance dependence, by describing how addiction is also related to behaviors that are rewarding. This is the first time that ASAM has taken an official position that addiction is not solely "substance dependence." This definition says that addiction is about functioning and brain circuitry and how the structure and function of the brains of persons with addiction differ from the structure and function of the brains of persons who do not have addiction. It talks about reward circuitry in the brain and related circuitry, but the emphasis is not on the external rewards that act on the reward system. Food and sexual behaviors and gambling behaviors can be associated with the "pathological pursuit of rewards" described in this new definition of addiction.

We all have the brain reward circuitry that makes food and sex rewarding. In fact, this is a survival mechanism. In a healthy brain, these rewards have feedback mechanisms for satiety or 'enough.' In someone with addiction, the circuitry becomes dysfunctional such that the message to the individual becomes ‘more’, which leads to the pathological pursuit of rewards and/or relief through the use of substances and behaviors. So, anyone who has addiction is vulnerable to food and sex addiction.

Since ASAM released its statement, and shortly before its release, additional new studies have come out on Internet addiction. They reveal the same fundamental brain changes seen in other addicts of drugs. Another 2011 study found that the risk of Internet addiction in men was about three times more than women. Researchers noted, Internet addiction is a psychosocial disorder and its characteristics are as follows: tolerance, withdrawal symptoms, affective disorders, and problems in social relations. Internet usage creates psychological, social, school and/or work difficulties in a person's life. Eighteen percent of study participants were considered to be pathological Internet users, whose excessive use of the Internet was causing academic, social, and interpersonal problems. Excessive Internet use may create a heightened level of psychological arousal, resulting in little sleep, failure to eat for long periods, and limited physical activity, possibly leading to the user experiencing physical and mental health problems such as depression, OCD, low family relationships and anxiety.

Research carried out on people undergoing treatment, as well as on the general population has revealed a negative correlation between age and addiction. As the age of people increases there is a lower number of shopping addicts. This data was confirmed by the 1999 European Report.

It must be noted that the age of diagnosis is much later than the age when the problems of addiction begin. Most addicts have the first symptoms of addiction in their twenties, but do not ask for help nor accept treatment until more than ten years afterwards. To explain the higher incidence of shopping addiction in young people, it has been shown that younger people have been born, and have grown up, in an increasingly consumerist society and they have endured the impact of publicity and marketing from birth. On the contrary, it is very unusual to find shopping addiction problems in people older than 65 years.

Addiction is defined by Webster Dictionary as a "compulsive need for and use of a habit-forming substance characterized by tolerance and by well-defined physiological symptoms upon withdrawal; broadly: persistent compulsive use of a substance known by the user to be harmful".

Problematic Internet use is also called compulsive Internet use (CIU), Internet overuse, problematic computer use, or pathological computer use (PCU), problematic Internet use (PIU), or Internet addiction disorder (IAD)). Another commonly associated pathology is video game addiction, or Internet gaming disorder (IGD).

Diagnostic criteria for compulsive buying have been proposed: 1. Over-preoccupation with buying; 2. distress or impairment as a result of the activity; 3. compulsive buying is not limited to hypomanic or manic episodes.

While initially triggered by a perhaps mild need to feel special, the failure of compulsive shopping to actually meet such needs may lead to a vicious cycle of escalation, with sufferers experiencing the highs and lows associated with other addictions. The 'high' of the purchasing may be followed by a sense of disappointment, and of guilt, precipitating a further cycle of impulse buying. With the now addicted person increasingly feeling negative emotions like anger and stress, they may attempt to self-medicate through further purchases, followed again by regret or depression once they return home - leading to an urge for yet another spree.

As debt grows, the compulsive shopping may become a more secretive act. At the point where bought goods are hidden or destroyed, because the person concerned feels so ashamed of their addiction, the price of the addiction in mental, financial and emotional terms becomes even higher.

Kleptomania and drug addictions seem to have central qualities in common, including:

- recurring or compulsive participation in a behavior in spite of undesirable penalties;

- weakened control over the disturbing behavior;

- a need or desire condition before taking part in the problematic behavior; and

- a positive pleasure-seeking condition throughout the act of the disturbing behavior.

Data from epidemiological studies additionally propose that there is an affiliation between kleptomania and substance use disorders along with high rates in a unidirectional manner. Phenomenological data maintain that there is a relationship between kleptomania and drug addictions. A higher percentage of cases of kleptomania has been noted in adolescents and young adults, and a lesser number of cases among older adults, which imply an analogous natural history to that seen in substance use disorders. Family history data also propose a probable common genetic input to alcohol use and kleptomania. Substance use disorders are more common in kin of persons with kleptomania than in the general population. Furthermore, pharmacological data (e.g., the probable efficacy of the opioid antagonist, naltrexone, in the treatment of both kleptomania and substance use disorders) could present additional support for a joint relationship between kleptomania and substance use disorders. Based on the idea that kleptomania and substance use disorders may share some etiological features, it could be concluded that kleptomania would react optimistically to the same treatments. As a matter of fact, certain nonmedical treatment methods that are successful in treating substance abuse are also accommodating in treating kleptomania.

Psychological dependence is a form of dependence that involves emotional–motivational withdrawal symptoms (e.g., a state of unease or dissatisfaction, a reduced capacity to experience pleasure, or anxiety) upon cessation of drug use or engagement in certain behaviors. Physical and psychological dependence are sometimes classified as a facet or component of addiction, such as in the DSM-IV-TR; however, some drugs which produce dependence syndromes do not produce addiction, and vice versa, in humans. Addiction and psychological dependence are both mediated through reinforcement, a form of operant conditioning, but are associated with different forms of reinforcement. Addiction is a compulsion for rewarding stimuli that is mediated through positive reinforcement. Psychological dependence, which is mediated through negative reinforcement, involves a desire to use a drug or perform a behavior to avoid the unpleasant withdrawal syndrome that results from cessation of exposure to it.

Psychological dependence develops through consistent and frequent exposure to a stimulus. Behaviors which can produce observable psychological withdrawal symptoms (i.e., cause psychological dependence) include physical exercise, shopping, sex and self-stimulation using pornography, and eating food with high sugar or fat content, among others. Behavioral therapy is typically employed to help individuals overcome psychological dependence upon drugs or maladaptive behaviors that produce psychological dependence.

Withdrawal is the body's reaction to abstaining from a substance upon which a person has developed a dependence syndrome. When dependence has developed, cessation of substance use produces an unpleasant state, which promotes continued drug use through negative reinforcement; i.e., the drug is used to escape or avoid re-entering the associated withdrawal state. The withdrawal state may include physical-somatic symptoms (physical dependence), emotional-motivational symptoms (psychological dependence), or both. Chemical and hormonal imbalances may arise if the substance is not introduced. Psychological stress may also result if the substance is not re-introduced.

Infants also suffer from substance withdrawal, known as Neonnatal Abstinence Syndrome (NAS) which has severe and life-threatening effects on growing fetus. Addiction to drugs and alcohol in expecting mothers does not only cause NAS but also an array of other issues which can continually affect the infant throughout his/her lifetime. The type of drug which was abused during the months of pregnancy has many different effects on the child which can affect the infant in many ways throughout his/her life.